On the Syntax of Multiple Sluicing and What It Tells Us about <i>Wh</i>-Scope Taking

Across many languages, multiple sluicing obeys a clausemate constraint. This can be understood on the empirically well-supported assumption that covert phrasal wh-movement is clause-bounded and subject to Superiority. We provide independent evidence for syntactic structure at ellipsis site locality constraints movement operations within site. The fact distribution of substantially narrower than wh-questions, their single-pair as well pair-list reading, entails there must mechanisms scoping in-situ wh-phrases do not rely wh-movement. adopt choice-functional account readings. For readings, we develop novel functional analysis, argue basis present new perspective readings questions with quantifiers.